Brazil: The Troubled Rise of a Global Power
by Michael Reid
Chapter One: Brazil’s Troubled Rise
Michael Reid begins his book by laying out a scene to pull the reader in. He introduces Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva as a leader of Brazil who is trying to enlighten other countries about Brazil’s recent successes. Yet in this meeting the other leaders of other countries come across as uninterested and do not take Lula seriously as a leader or Brazil seriously as a country. By starting the book (and especially this chapter) with this scene, Reid is laying the thesis for the rest of the book: Brazil’s ability to rise is affected by many different sources. Reid provokes a sense of helplessness by using the scene with Lula as a comparison to Brazil. In the scene Lula is attempting to speak up for Brazil and at this “the businessmen laughed” (Reid, 2014 p.3) according to Reid. Sources affecting Brazil’s ability to rise may be the leaders, the way leaders are elected, its history, other countries, etc. Chapter one focuses on one limiting factor to Brazil’s rise: acceptance of Brazil by other countries as not only a country itself, but a global power.
In his first chapter, Reid continues to describe Lula as an analogy to Brazil. At first it seemed like Lula was not to be taken seriously. Reid describes how Lula lost the first time he ran for president and how later on “his beard evolved along with his politics”(Reid, 2014 p. 3). Lula may have been unkempt and incompetent during his first election, but so was the country. However, over time Lula changed and became more popular, just as Brazil changed and became more populous. It is interesting to me that the author chose such a random time in history to start the book. Instead of starting like a history textbook with the colonization or independence of the country, he started with Lula. Hopefully by the end of the book I will understand why the author chose this specific scene. The way the author chooses to portray Lula is interesting. Reid does a decent job keeping his own opinion out of the way of his narrative, yet subtle word choices in the text indicate that Reid himself is not so fond of Lula. For instance, he states “he had spoken for almost an hour without notes or an autocue” (Reid, 2014 p.4), which makes Lula seem unprepared and unprofessional. It’s almost as though Lula and Brazil were annoying immature children to Obama and the leaders of the European Nations. With Brazil, China, India and South Africa all rising on their own, other countries have no choice but to make room for them on a global level.
Reid effectively portrays the idea of the other leaders being disgruntled because they are forced to recognize Brazil as a growing country. When Brazil is chosen over Obama’s hometown in Illinois as the host of the 2016 Olympics, Obama is forced to smile and embrace Lula as a friend and leader. The awarding of the 2016 Olympics is really interesting because it is so unique. The games being held in Brazil truly show how Brazil is growing. Brazil is the first country in South America to host the games. “By choosing Rio, it could help the country develop faster and could bring an entire continent of people closer to the Olympic movement” (Macur, 2009). By bringing the entire continent closer to something like the Olympic games, countries such as the United States will be forced more often to accept new developing countries which will lead to a better global atmosphere. With these new South American countries coming into the global powerhouse, the world will be better fit to finally understand and work on environmental problems that they never could before. Reid adds a section of facts on Brazil’s GDP and economy to help bolster the idea that it is really an up and coming country. He also compares and contrasts Brazil to other growing countries such as China and India to illuminate the uniqueness of Brazil. He goes full circle by discussing the weaknesses of Brazil and change in power. Cardoso laid important groundwork for the country that kept it booming while Lula was in office, but with the election of Rousseff Brazil’s deeper issues began to rise. As other leaders took charge and voiced empty promises, Brazil plunged up and down on an economic roller coaster.
Fortunately, the author does believe that Brazil has hope. He states “I do not think the country risks another economic collapse” (Reid 2014, p.10), showing that Brazil has passed at least that point in development. Reid explains how the rest of the book is set up and ends with a stimulating comparison. He compares Brazil to America, which I find extremely interesting. Lula himself stated “we aren’t the United States, but we are getting there, and we will get there” (Macur, 2009). This idolization of the United States by Brazil is amazing. In reality, they are both Americas. Reid discusses how Brazil already does compare to the U.S concluding that “the two largest countries in the Americas resemble each other, though often as if scene through a distorted mirror” (Reid, 2014 p.11). Reid explains how this may be the root of the disappointment of the countries with one another. Other countries failure to see Brazil’s potential, especially America, cause a huge road block on the path to Brazil’s success
Source: Angus Maddison, The World Economy: Historical Statistics (Paris: OECD, 2003), p. 142-144.
Chapter Two: The Brazilian Way of Life
The second chapter in Reid’s book focuses on other sources affecting Brazil’s rise. The first he discusses is the geography of Brazil. Brazil is basically made up of about half rain forest, and half savannah with a slight strip of coastal area where most of the citizens live. There are five major regions within the country. The north is mostly comprised of the Amazon rainforest. It is a poverty stricken area with a quickly growing population. It is home to 24 million people who live mostly in cities, the two largest being Manaus and Belem (Reid, 2014). The north-east was always known as the poorest area in Brazil while home to 53 million people. This area is mostly farmed for sugar, cotton and cattle. There are also areas that have developed modern farming, are farmed to feed individual families, and are used for shoe manufacturing. The center-west is a result of Brazil’s green revolution, turning from wilderness into farmland with an intensely growing economy and population (Reid, 2014).
The south is a much different area of the country. Family farming and traditional industries like shoemaking characterize this area that is only 7% of the national territory. The south is home to 26 million people, many of European descent. It has the highest levels of human development and is the second richest area in Brazil (Reid, 2014). The most rich area is the south-east. The south-east is where Brazil’s two biggest cities are, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. It is considered the heart of Brazil and is home to 77 million people. The people who live in Rio are known as Cariocas and are considered more as partiers than workers due to the beachy atmosphere of the city. Rio was once the capital of Brazil and lost quite a bit of economic power when the capital switched to Brasilia. Fortunately a boom in the oil industry and electronic trading paired with hosting the 2016 Olympic games has helped to revive Rio (Reid, 2014). Sao Paulo is Brazil’s economic and business capital, the largest city in the southern hemisphere, and home to 18 million people. Sao Paulo is very culturally diverse similar to New York City. Immigrants from Italy, Germany, Syria, Lebanon, Japan and Korea all inhabit the city creating a cultural melting pot.
Along with geography affecting Brazil’s rise, the Brazilian culture and people themselves have a large effect as well. Brazilians have a strong sense of national identity, mainly characterized by the one thing they excel at more than any other country- football. Football is taken very seriously in Brazil as a symbol of teamwork as well as an equal ground for different races, classes, and incomes. Carnival is similar to football with its union of Brazilians and symbolic teamwork. Though Brazil’s warm climate is a perfect setting for fun and games that may allow social freedom, it is also a deeply religious country. The 2010 census showed that 65% of Brazilians today still identify as Catholic while the rest are a mixture of evangelical Protestants, indigenous religions, and African based spiritualities (Reid, 2016). The openness of religion is one more example of Brazilian’s “loose” attitudes toward life. Television soap operas are discussed just as frequently in light conversation as football, carnival and religion in Brazil. These shows focusing on real life situations that help empower women and focus on the rising on the lower middle class.
Brazilian culture places important emphasis on human relations and family. Improving human relationships ended slavery and helped to unite the country into the democracy as it stands today. Brazilians want to be hospitable, often minimizing personal space and calling even their political leaders by nicknames. Brazilians hire through personal networking and take family matters very seriously. Children are not only children by biological definitions as they are in America, but by moral standards and decency. Unfortunately the peaceful, family-orientated Brazilian way of life only makes it so far out of the house, leading to much corruption out on the streets. Inequalities and violence do rise due to the lack of Brazilians ability to look into the future. Reid comments that “Brazilians have a tendency to live in the present and to give little thought to the long term” (Reid, 2014). The culture of Brazil is focused around this loose living which has adverse affects on Brazil’s rise. In many ways Brazil’s relaxed attitude is helpful to their improvement, as pointed out in Henterly’s article “the ‘live and let live’ attitude of the Brazilian people [allows for] the openness with which they embrace diversity in their country” (Henterly, 2011). While I agree that embracing racial diversity is helpful in Brazil’s self-identification, on other subjects the Brazilian relaxed attitude causes a setback for the country’s development. Reid points out that Brazil has been historically incapable of investing enough in “capital, infrastructure, and education” (Reid, 2014). While Brazilians have a relaxed culture, their progress as a nation is hurting because of it.
The following charts have been retrieved from an article in The Brazil Business by Rebeca Duran:
The North
North-east
Centre-west
South-east
South
Chapter 3: The Forging of a People
Chapter three focuses on the colonization and early settlement of Brazil. Reid offers many explanations of history as possible answers to why Brazil faces specific issues today. For example, he explains that the Portuguese settling Brazil had a huge impact on the development of its people. Reid mentions an absence of racial pride amongst the Portuguese as “a consequence of their own mixture of European and North African blood” (Reid, 2014). This lack of racial prejudice allowed for the mixing of many cultures (Portuguese, African, indigenous people, European settlers, etc) which resulted in the national identity as a melting pot as Brazil is known today. This type of cultural mixing however added to the inability of the Brazilian people to unite and form a functional society early on.
Unlike in the Americas where the colonists all united as Americans being far across seas from their parental mother country, Brazilians failed to unite against a common enemy. While Americans were predominantly of European descent and discouraged from interracial mixing with slaves and natives, defining a group of “Americans” and likewise human and property rights was a much easier task than it was in Brazil. By mixing European, African, and indigenous blood, Brazilians ended up with a social structure that was hard to define and even harder to unite. With the enslavement of Africans and indigenous people, their rose a social hierarchy that became very messy with the production of mulattos. This led to a “persistent failure to define and effectively protect human and property rights” (Coatsworth, 2007), a theme Reid agrees upon and repeatedly brings up throughout the book. By having such a mix of races, the Brazilians were unable to identify where proper labor should come from, leading to a prolonged era of slavery which consequently caused a pause in development.
Reid describes how the Portuguese first came across Brazil while looking for India. The fleet met the indigenous people and kept good relations with them for some time. Rio de Janeiro received its name due to the fact that a Portuguese fleet entered it on New Year’s Day, naming it the “river of January.” The country itself would later be named based off the wood that the fleet took that was similar to Asian trees the Portuguese referred to as pau brasil (Reid, 2014). Of course just as in other colonies missionaries came in to spread their religion amidst native peoples. With the missionaries forcing natives to convert, disease ran rampant and Portuguese leaders attempted to take natives as slaves from missionary camps. The bandeirantes were often headed by portuguese men and consisted of natives who tromped across the countryside, expanding Brazil’s territory and taking in natives as slaves.
With Portugal looking to its colonies for income, sugarcane farming became a large part of the economy. Sugarcane farming also brought in another trade: slavery. Due to its geographical location, Brazil was able to attain slaves quickly from Africa in comparison to other colonies (Reid, 2014). African slaves as a labor source were incredibly important to Brazil’s growth because Portugal had a small population to begin with, and Brazil was not the most favorable place to immigrate to with its tropical wilderness. European immigration really only kicked up during the gold rush. Prior to that many people feared the tropical rainforest with its strange diseases and wild animals. As in many other colonies, the slaves rebelled and missionaries fought for better treatment of and abolition for slaves.
The gold rush allowed for more development in Brazil, not exclusively the mining towns, but the interior as well. With African slaves becoming free blacks with the gold rush, a new population was rising. Reid writes “while most blacks remained poor, a middle class of farmers and artisans rose” (Reid, 2014). While Reid suggests this as a positive notion, other authors would disagree on the basis that “on average, black and brown... Brazilians earn half of the income of the white population... the middle class and the elite are almost entirely white” (Telles, 2007). Although not necessarily a triumph for the slaves, a growing middle class was still a good step in Brazil’s rise as a good sign of human development and consequently economic and political development. However, Coatsworth points out Brazil’s “failure to invest in schools for the children of poorer citizens in states, cities, and neighborhoods where the Afro-Brazilian population predominated.” Reid agrees with his continual inclusion of African literacy rates that this later on led to a large gap in human development in Brazil compared to other growing colonies.
Besides education, colonial Brazil had few other institutions as well. Portugal had a very loose governmental grip on Brazil, an extreme contrast to Great Britain’s tight grip on its North American colonies. Much of the governing was handled by whatever class was dominant in a local area. The army was small and more militia-like, and churches were supreme in most areas. Overall Brazil’s struggle to define itself, raise a stable government, and sustain its economy proved to continue from colonization to the present day.
Aguila, A. (2013). Atlantic slave trade. PB Works. Retrieved from http://historycei.pbworks.com/w/page/70660410/2W%20ATLANTIC%20SLAVE%20TRADE
Guerrero, J.L. (2013). Atlantic slave trade. PB Works. Retrieved from http://historycei.pbworks.com/w/page/70660410/2W%20ATLANTIC%20SLAVE%20TRADE
Chapter 4: From Monarchy to Coffee Republic
Chapter four focuses on Brazil’s leadership transitions from monarchy to republic. This chapter places emphasis on the abolition of slavery, military formation and power as well as their effects on Brazil’s rising. The conflicts caused by Napoleon Bonaparte made Portugal unsafe and so the royal family rushed to Brazil in 1808. King to be, Joao VI and his family turned Rio de Janeiro quickly from a colonial port into an imperial capital. When Portugal was safe again the portuguese requested the return of their king, who in turn left his son Pedro in charge of Brazil. With Pedro as emperor, a new constitution was written that called for a cabinet and Senate of elected officials. Pedro soon after left Brazil to his son Pedro II who was born there.
Pedro II was incredibly studious, spoke several languages and was very informed of what was going on in Brazil at all times. At this time a huge disadvantage of Brazil was the fact that slavery was still very abundant and literacy rates were extremely low. During the times of the monarchy there were Conservative and Liberal groups that later evolved into political parties. Conservative groups wanted a strong central government while Liberals desired more power for individual provinces. During much of the monarchy power was held by the governing party due to elections often being very indirect and including minimal parts of the population. Income and literacy requirements to vote kept many Brazilians out of the polls. The landowners and politicians continued to stay above all others, keeping slavery as an institution.
Reid mentions that “the weakness of the economy also served to limit the strength of the state” (Reid, 2014). However, other authors would disagree on this by pointing out that “the economic nationalism of the ruling elite remained shallow, which lead Brazilian rulers to increasing dependence on foreign capital”(Kohli, 2004). By borrowing loans from other countries, the state was able to continue to develop its strength despite its weak economy. With Brazil’s economic growth stagnant during the nineteenth century, other countries such as the United States were continually growing. By passing legislation that lowered taxes on British goods, Brazil’s manufacturing decreased. Sugar, cotton and coffee made up the majority of Brazil’s exports. The main setback of economic growth was lack of transportation for goods. Railways would help Brazil’s manufacturing and thus industrialization, but it was hard to collect taxes when slavery prevented income and property taxes. This led to Brazil borrowing from London, and also the good credit it earned by paying its loans in an orderly manner.
By 1855 Britain had finally ended the slave trade in Brazil by offering the country independance. With the end of the slave trade, extra money from the trade went toward internal development and many investors started to put money into the railroads to compensate for the labor shortage. With this came the rising of European immigration to Brazil and a consequent “whitening” of its people. This influx of people pressured the Brazilian monarch to abolish slavery. When heir Princess Isabel abolished slavery with the “Golden Law” in 1888, Brazil was set free to form a modern urban economy without the drawbacks of large landholdings and outside influence over its institutions.
A war broke out between Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina which conclusively unveiled the frailties of the monarch as well as produced a strong military power in Brazil. The ideology of positivism was soon spread throughout Brazil, an ideology based on the idea that a strong central state would be the way to republic modernization. With Pedro weak from war, he was exiled without resistance, accepting the fact that Brazil had to break free eventually. WHen he died later on, he was remembered and respected by the Brazilians as an “enlightened monarch.” Reid comments that the monarchy had left Brazil with a sense of nationhood, political stability, and union. In my opinion, one of the greatest triumphs of Brazil was that it “abolished slavery without bloodshed and without compensating the slave owners- something neither the United States nor Cuba managed” (Reid, 2014). This to me is a strong piece of evidence of Brazil’s potential Reid mentioned in the first chapter.
Brazilians did not trust Princess Isabel or her husband, and so the monarchy ended. The Brazilians seemed again very relaxed and mixed on their views of what the government should be like. Soon enough three factions were formed, two of which disfavored liberal democracy and a third that desired local autonomy. One leader of the anti-liberal faction, Deodoro declared himself provisional military dictator. Brazil was officially a federal republic with a constitution calling for a directly elected two-chamber legislature and a president (Reid, 2014). As Deodoro became old he transferred power to Peixoto, but Peixoto lost the presidency to Morais who was chosen in 1894 (Reid 2014). Local conflicts ended up causing rebellions and military use within the country. Two more presidents came into office both of which dealt with internal conflict as well as a high deficit.
Reid ends chapter four with a change in tone to culture, art and identity. Modernism was now the focus of Brazil, yet it called for many conditions that would not mix well with political authoritarianism. Architecture transformed to functionalism, and racial interbreeding was accepted as a positive trait. With a tripling of population, a change of social structure,and a boom in industry, it seemed like Brazil was headed quickly for modernization. Yet still, compared to other Latin American colonies and countries Brazil still lagged in economic, social and political progress (Reid, 2014). A Brazilian Communist Party was formed in 1922, amidst strikes, rebellions, and decentralization of government power. The First Republic soon ended and Vargas took over as a somewhat elected military ruler of Brazil.
Chapter 5: Getúlio Vargas and “National Developmentalism”
Chapter 5 describes a time in Brazil’s history that had lasting impacts on the country. Under the leadership of Vargas, Brazil was meant to modernize by having a strong centralized state and national army. Vargas ruled as a realistic authoritarian, placing emphasis on industrialization and power. Vargas removed elected officials and replaced them with federal appointees. He also dissolved the constitution formerly used to guide government action. The Wall Street Crash in 1929 turned Brazil’s economy to chaos and it was unable to pay its foreign debts (Reid, 2014). Resistance to Vargas’s power caused him to issue a new electoral code, reducing electoral fraud. Brazilians were not satisfied with this small change and so rebelled against the government, but they were extinguished.
To avoid future rebellions, Vargas appointed a Constituent Assembly who elected him as president. The 1934 constitution was written to include civil and political freedoms as well as some states rights. It also declared that Vargas’s term would be over in four years with no reelection, something Vargas had no intention of coinciding with (Reid, 2014). The 1930s brought in a fascist party as well as a communist party. The communists decided to start a revolutionary uprising which was easily shut down by the government and also provided reasoning for Vargas to crackdown on leftists in the country. With a second attempt at revolt in 1937, Vargas was handed the perfect opportunity to reinstate a military coup just in time for the election he would otherwise be unable to partake in.
Vargas defended his dictatorship on the basis that it was necessary to avoid national disintegration. His argument was that individual states’ interests interrupted the major interests of the nation (Reid, 2014). While a military dictatorship seems like it may have no pros, in Brazil’s case this particularly strong military allowed Brazil to ally itself with the United States. Reid proudly points out that this alignment ultimately lead to brazil becoming “the first Latin American country to declare war on the Axis powers, and the only one to commit troops” (Reid, 2014). In my opinion this is a notable landmark on the way to Brazil’s rise. By standing out as a military power, Brazil showed itself off to the world as a legitimate and unified power. A newspaper article from the time states “The 43 million people of Brazil, who live in an area bigger than the United States, received the decision with popular rejoicing” (“Brazil Declares War” 1942), further proving that Brazil was becoming popular in the world and unifying its people.
The new ideology of corporatism sprang up, calling for organization of the state as a community. Vargas quickly adopted corporatism and set up courts to settle labor disputes, a social security system, and many more pro-labor institutions and laws. Contrastly, Vargas also aimed to separate the idea of progress from individual freedoms (Reid, 2014). Again his argument was that the state’s role was to ensure the rights of the individuals below it. During this time Brazilian national identity was defining itself with miscegenation, samba and Afro-Brazilian arts.
With the world fighting for democracy, Brazil decided it was time to try out democratic rule as well. Four political parties formed, two of which Vargas launched himself. An opposing party led by General Dutra won the election in 1945 and so Brazil entered its first democracy. This democracy eventually failed due to its inability of politics to respond quick enough to economic growth and social change, political tensions imposed by the Cold War, and the moderate power of the army (Reid, 2014). In the next election, Vargas was launched back into the presidency. He established a national bank and oil company, both of which are central to the economy today. With an attempted murder of one of his foes, supposedly unbeknownst to the president, Vargas was pressed to resign. He then committed suicide, unifying the public one last time through shared grief.
Kubitschek won the next presidential election and so began industrializing the country. With foreign industries invited in, economic growth was abundant. Kubitschek’s economic policies were dubbed “national developmentalism” with the idea that progress would continue quickly. Building the new capital of Brasília was embarked upon in hopes of developing internal Brazil. Built in four years and improperly budgeted for, Brasília sparked opposition. With the victory of Brazil’s football team and a boom in culture, Kubitschek was in a good spot when the presidential election of 1960 passed the presidency to Quadros. Seven months into his presidency however, Quadros resigned (Reid, 2014).
Civil war almost broke out in Brazil over who would rightfully lead the country. Communist party leader, Goulart was chosen on the basis that he adopt a parliamentary system. Goulart was a weak politician due to his moderateness but would eventually reform Brazil. However, with Goulart’s corruption and attempt to suppress constitutional restraints on his power, a military coup took over Brazil once again. A major setback to Brazil at this time was that it was viewed by its own citizens, as well as the world, as “ungovernable by a democracy” (Reid, 2014).
Chapter 6: The Long Dictatorship
Reid dedicates chapter six entirely to the dictatorship following Goulart’s presidency. Castelo Branco was chosen to serve out the rest of Goulart’s term after the revolution. Branco’s rule was characterized by a strong military power and purge of communism from the country. Similar to Varga, he argued that communism was a threat to internal security (Reid, 2014). The government under Blanco did not abolish democracy, it was an attempt to “purify” it. Elections and Congress were still a part of the government, just very corrupted. Four more military presidents followed behind Blanco, twenty one years worth of military dictatorship.
This dictatorship era took a huge toll on Brazil’s development. Elections, Congress and freedoms were taken from Brazil. The government cracked down, from replacing police with the military to exiling musicians who expressed rebellious youth culture (Reid, 2014). Not surprisingly this gave rise to guerrilla rebellions which were eventually extinguished by the state military. Economic growth was achieved during this time and foreign debts were being repaid. Social benefits continued to be granted, allowing the dictatorship to have continued support by the Brazilians.
The latter two dictatorial leaders turned Brazil’s government back towards democracy. Terrorism began striking up in the country as the leaders began to fire their corrupt ministers. Many new political parties formed and Brazilians were allowed to vote for the reinstated Congress and state governors (Reid, 2014). In 1982 the economy took a crash that stirred civilian unrest. Labor strikes began breaking out, the Catholic church began to speak out, and private businessmen called for a return to democracy. Lula gained national popularity as a prominent leader of labor strikes. Lula, Cardoso and Dilma were all victims of brutality by the dictatorship, Dilma was even tortured. In 1985 Tancredo Neves was directly elected as a civilian president, ending the dictatorship and entering his era of rule amidst a large economic crisis.
Reid points out the “typically Brazilian consensual nature of transition” multiple times in his book. This recurring theme of Brazilians relaxed attitude toward government and life in general is something very unique to the country. Reid offers many examples of how this easygoing attitude affects Brazil’s development. Other authors of Brazilian history support Reid’s declaration of Brazil’s consensual nature. Brazilian historian Jeanne Kuebler similarly states on the matter of Goulart’s succession “The crisis, which for a time threatened to plunge the nation into civil war, was resolved through a compromise typical of the Brazilian approach to politics” (Kuebler, 1966), thus also recognizing Brazil’s unique political attitude. In my opinion the Brazilians flexibility was indeed a setback to their progress as a nation as they willfully allowed a dictatorship with little opposition. Though some may argue that the dictatorship was a spark of economic growth and centralization of state, the combined loss of human rights and political corruptness far outweigh these benefits. Historian Thomas Skidmore states “the economic miracle... did not revolutionize the economy permanently” (Skidmore 2010), noting the dictatorship's temporary benefits. However, in Brazil there are lasting effects of the violation of human rights that still affect brazilian life. In 2014 Brazil was still debating the amnesty law in 1979. A 2014 newspaper article stated “Now, many are calling for those responsible to face trial not only for torture, but also for the assassination or “disappearance” of 425 people” (Salles 2014). Clearly the dictatorship’s actions were of nonprogressive nature and hurt the ability of Brazil to progress as a nation.
The five decades prior to 1980 marked Brazil with the quickest economic growth in the world. Economic development was mostly supported by industrialization. The military government planted seeds for development of oil, petrochemical, and aircraft industries as well as huge hydroelectric dams and ethanol (Reid, 2014). With inflation still a main issue in the economy, protective tariffs and subsidies were placed on goods which sparked more industrialization. After 1940 many Brazilians moved from the country to the city, including young Lula, where they faced severe poverty. The income gap created large inequalities within the population causing Brazil to become a very unjust country. With a stable economy and industrial institutions, Brazil had developed and now waited for its civilian leaders to rehabilitate the country.
Chapter 7: From Disorder to Progress under Cardoso
Chapter seven focuses on the period directly following the dictatorship, the New Republic. An unhappy time in Brazilian history, this era was focused on cleaning up the remains of the dictatorship, establishing liberties, reestablishing democracy, fixing inflation, expanding the economy, and addressing social problems (Reid, 2014). Neves died before he became president of the new democracy. He was followed by Sarney, who the people distrusted and eventually impeached. Sarney did extend voting rights to illiterates in 1986,this universal suffrage was a huge step forward in brazilian government.
A lengthy new constitution was drawn up. It helped to reduce social inequalities, protected native Brazilian lands, and gave power to public prosecutors. However, it also limited taxes, allowed the formation of infinite political parties, and delayed the judicial system (Reid, 2014). The 1989 elections produced Fernando Collar de Mello as a little-known posing progressive president instead of the well known leaders who regained Brazil’s democracy. He caused an enormous recession by freezing wages and savings of civilians. However, Collar did in turn set up a foreign trade and curb Brazil’s national debt. In the end he was proven corrupt via media and became the first Brazilian leader to be legally extracted from his position without the use of the military. His political career continued later as an ally under Lula and Dilma. Vice president Franco moved up into the presidency in Collar’s place.
Reid openly asks the question “why did Brazil take so long to reform” (Reid, 2014), answering his own question with the fact that Brazil had intense inflation. Other authors agree, stating Brazil was “the poster child of hyperinflation in the 1980s and 1990s. As a result, for many decades pundits have said that ‘Brazil is the country of the future, and always will be’” (Roberts, Schreiber & Scissors, 2012). The inflation Brazil faced was undoubtedly a major roadblock in the path of Brazil’s progression. Finance minister Cardoso created a plan to introduce “real” money an entirely new currency to finally end inflation. After many similar plans failed before his, the Brazilian people were shocked when it actually worked. Thus, Cardoso was elected as the next president.
Reid himself was clearly fond of Cardoso as he writes “I found him to be a man of polished charm, extraordinarily articulate and an acute analyst of the problems of his country” (Reid, 2014). My hope is that I still gain a factual history of Brazil devoid of bias on Reid’s part, knowing how enthusiastic he is of this particular president. However, I do personally enjoy Cardoso’s focus on social justice. He broke up many monopolies of the time, reminding me of my favorite U.S President Theodore Roosevelt. Cardoso also stabilized Brazil’s banks but faced turbulence with the invention of the computer “virtualizing” money. With other countries beginning to default on their debts and pull out their foreign investments, pressure was put on the “real” currency that kept inflation down. Cardoso lost two of his main economic team members by standing by his decision not to devalue the “real”. Soon after he lost two main political operators to health problems and had just barely passed an amendment to allow himself another term in office, which he was ultimately elected to.
Against his will, Cardoso was forced to devalue or complete economic chaos would break out. Brazil sprung back from its almost doom and inflation was soon under control again. However, Brazil had taken a few steps in reverse of the recent progress it had accomplished under Cardoso. This time instead of recession, Brazil faced economic stagnancy. Cardoso did improve social policy, creating policies that increased school attendance as well as civilian vaccinations (Reid, 2014). The First Lady was a prominent figure in making sure new policies reached the poorest people in the poorest areas. Cardoso secured Brazilian democracy and gave Brazilians a sense of direction, something they could finally use to rise.
Chapter 8: Lulismo and the Brazilian Dream
Chapter eight highlights the formation of the Worker’s Party (the PT) headed by Lula. The workers party was dedicated to improving social justice and citizenship. Cardoso’s government had placed unemployment higher than inflation as a national concern. Inability to pay the public debt was also another rising fear. Reid states that “Lula’s impending victory constituted ‘a triumph for Brazilian democracy’” (Reid, 2014). He explains that with Lula’s background as a laborer, the tone of Latin American rule would be changed from one focusing on the benefit of the elite to one focusing on ending class struggle. Other authors argue that “an individual can be a catalyst for major changes but can also benefit from timing, getting credit for changes that come to a head just in time to cast up a hero” (“Introduction Lula’s legacy 2011). This means that they view Lula’s accomplishments as mere products of what Cardoso had set up in the previous years. The argument exists that Lula was the first president able to focus on class struggle because previously dominating issues had been resolved.
There is little debate, however, that Lula truly did have empathy for poorer Brazilians, being a former victim of poverty himself. Lula was patient and understood that social change would take time. In the meantime, Lula began reassuring investors and stabilizing the national debt. Brazil was finally able to pay off its loans and lower interest rates causing a credit boom, increase in terms of trade, and sparked production (Reid, 2014). Lula also instituted the first food security program dubbed “Zero Hunger” which later evolved into the Family Fund. The family Fund helped poverty stricken mothers feed their children and provided them health care as long as they were in school.
Politics in the 1990s were extremely fickle. Parties and parliamentarians were constantly switching their ideologies and allegiances. The early 2000s were full of scandal and exposure in the PT, causing Lula’s chief of staff (as well as many other officials) to resign. Dilma Rousseff took his place, and her opposition to a social reform plan posed by minister Palocci caused Brazil to miss an opportunity to reform the state while the economy was in good standing (Reid, 2014). Palocci was soon exposed as corrupt and left office, but his credit reforms sparked a boom in consumption. Lula’s administration designed a program to internally develop Brazil, adding infrastructure such as irrigation, street lights, and drainage systems under the eye of Dilma. She was also appointed to write up legal framework for newly found oil fields. The electrification of Brazil described in this chapter is the scene Reid used to introduce Lula in the first chapter. As mentioned their, businessmen of the time laughed, but soon Lula would be laughing at them.
Under Lula, Brazil had not only paid off its debts, but became a foreign creditor in 2008. The economy was doing great up until the world crisis collapse of the Lehman Brothers. While Lula highly underestimated the effects the fall would have on Brazil, the collapse conclusively showed Brazil’s newfound economic resilience. Reid states that in an interview with Lula, the president regarded the crisis as evidence that state capitalism was superior to liberal capitalism (Reid, 2014). When reelection came in 2010, after losing three elections, and winning two Lula resisted changing policy to allow himself a third term and chose Dilma as his succeeding candidate.
The 2010 election was very unique in that a new Green Party had scored almost 20 percent of the vote. An article written on behalf of the election states “the result would allow the country to debate not just Brazil's ‘commitment to development and the wellbeing of the population’ but also its ‘commitment to environmental preservation’’’ (Phillips, 2010). Basically this means that although Marina Silva, the party’s candidate, did not win the presidency, she did force debate of environmental issues upon the government. To me the introduction of environmental issues on such a large scale shows that Brazil has really developed into a strong, versatile country.
Lula’s legacy would be one for the people, as he proved that reducing inequality was able to be achieved in a democratic government with a stable economy. This was a huge breakthrough for not only Brazil, but all of Latin America. Finally a stable middle class was beginning to form as the poor became better educated and provided for and the rich were forced to pay more to maintain their way of life. Left in Lula’s political wake, Dilma would have big shoes to fill. As a respected survivor of torture and jail Dilma was a powerful woman with great administrative abilities, honesty, and a great work ethic (Reid, 2014). Dilma was a supported of public liberties and helped reduce unemployment rates making her popular in the beginning of her term. However, Dilma’s lack of experience as an elected official would come to hurt her rise, as well as Brazil’s, in the end.
Chapter 9: The Long Road to a Middle-class Society
Reid abruptly changes the tone of his book in Chapter nine from political viewpoints of poor to actual accounts of shantytowns and their dwellers. The 1960-80s were apparently characterized by hunger, illiteracy, homelessness and violence in shantytowns. Even in 2012 traces of this low quality life still lingered though significantly of lesser evil thanks to presidential reforms. Still, major droughts and lack of education cause looting and violence as people desperately fight to survive. The government aid disbursed to people in these areas would hopefully bring in food and water companies since their would be money to continue their business. At the very least, if people had some form of income they were able to migrate to cities to escape thirst. This chapter focuses on how Brazil’s progress as a nation depends on the advance of people from poverty to the middle class.
Dilma declared that during her presidency absolute poverty would be abolished (Reid, 2014). The idea behind her program was that aid to families would be increased and social workers would be tasked with finding those below the poverty line and raising them up, focusing on getting them into the labor force and independent of government aid. As poverty levels fell, a new lower middle class was forming and spending. Supermarkets, public services, and cars became a part of Brazilian life for many who were once drinking from puddles. While people were doing better, they still feared for their lives as sewage often ran down the streets, drugs ran rampant and traffickers took advantage of the vulnerable people (Reid, 2014).
A large middle class is crucial to a strong democratic society. While the poor were becoming less poor and quality of life was improving, many Brazilians still belonged to the lower middle class or class C. This class had an improving income that made it seem as if it were close to middle class yet other aspects such as education, occupation, assets and other criteria clearly distinguished it as much behind. Previously practiced economic tools such as raising minimum wage and increasing domestic consumption were beginning to reach their limits. Class C now had money, but was spending it unwisely, indebting themselves too much on personal goods in place of assets (Reid, 2014). The future of class C was uncertain.
On a positive note, health care was greatly reformed in the 2000s. Life expectancy increased, infant mortality rate decreased, generic medications became available and foreign doctors were imported in. Unfortunately a large percent of money set aside for health care was taken by corrupt officials before it reached hospitals or people (Reid, 2016). In my opinion the most significant advance in health care was lowering the infant mortality rate by educating mothers in basic health skills. I feel that this would be extremely helpful, especially in the poorer areas, and very sustainable as the information they learned can be passed down and built upon.
Education in Brazil began to evolve in the 1990s, helping to reinforce the idea that Brazil really was an up and coming nation. With primary schooling under jurisdiction of municipalities, corruption again took a toll on the quantity of money that was provided for education. The federal government focused on secondary schooling which to me seems to be counterintuitive. If children are not able to get a strong primary education, they wouldn’t be able to make it to secondary schooling anyway. Another problem with education in Brazil was that teachers were rarely found in poor areas, a problem similarly faced in America. Programs such as Student Loan Forgiveness, which for teachers in America may mean working in a poor district in lieu of having the federal government pay your debt, help to solve these problems. Reid states “Brazil’s university system embodied an injustice” (Reid, 2014). The injustice he refers to is that universities are free to students, although most of the students who are able to pass the entrance exam do so because they come from well off white families who better prepared them to do so and can afford to pay school expenses. Brazilian social scientist Simon Schwartzman agrees with Reid, stating “school achievement depends heavily on the family’s economic, social and cultural background” in one of his evaluations of Brazil’s education system (Schwartzman, 2003).
In 2010 the melting pot happiness of earlier Brazil turned into a racial divide. Racism was not outright, but rather hidden in actions of hiring and school acceptance. Affirmative action similar to that of the U.S. tried to help negate these effects. Blacks were still seen as lower in class even though at this point many of them performed better than white students at universities (Reid, 2014). The racial issue would be one that will hopefully disappear over time just as the social inequality of women is disappearing with a feminist president. However, inequality of Brazilian people is still a major problem and is easily distinguished by elegant high rises next to makeshift favelas. The violence and drug abuse in the lower quality housing cause major threats to the wellbeing of Brazilians in all areas. With policing highly lacking quality, the federal government was forced to reform police policies which led to a breakout of crime between police and criminals and ultimately a large amount of death and overpopulated jails. Overall an increase in crime leads to a lack of human rights. In order to become the democratic society desired by its leaders and people, Brazil must continue to overcome the issues leading to the high crime rate such as poverty, inequality and education.
Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics (PNAD/IBGE). (2001). National Household Survey. Retrieved from: https://books.google.com/books?id=vuhsCQAAQBAJ&pg=PA10&lpg=PA10&dq=school+enrollment+of+the+brazilian+population+by+age+group+national+household+survey+2001&source=bl&ots=Z63mBnVxBU&sig=Q40kM87vaF157vFKdJrQY_Y9p_Q&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi3iZzV6v7OAhUNgx4KHWbJDdkQ6AEIHjAA#v=onepage&q=school%20enrollment%20of%20the%20brazilian%20population%20by%20age%20group%20national%20household%20survey%202001&f=false
Chapter 10: Oil, Farming and the Amazon
Reid starts chapter ten with a description of the Açu Superport project. The project was designing a large port to help the manufacture and trade of oil. Eike Batista was the man behind it, becoming a billionaire for years before many of his investments sank and he escaped as a low millionaire. Reid points out that the rise and fall of Eike was symbolic of Brazil, on the basis that Brazil’s greatness was just based on a commodity boom (Reid, 2014). Reid takes the rest of the chapter to explain why the two cases are not similar in the least.
The oil industry has been a major constituent of the Brazilian economy since the 1970s. Petrobras is a major multinational oil industry corporation. The government created a law after the 2007 abundant offshore oil strikes, demanding that 70 percent of the company's equipment be made within Brazil. This law, along with many other government instituted burdens caused major issues for the growth of Brazil’s oil industry. Overall Brazil was learning from its mistakes and still focused on becoming a world leader in energy in 20 or 30 years (Reid, 2014).
Brazil’s abundance of sun and rainfall allow for it to be a competitive agricultural power. Natural advantages as well as the research done during Green Revolution of 1973 help to make Brazil’s farming practices more sustainable. Reid’s personal experience in Brazil helps to make the book more interactive than just another Brazilian history book. He describes meeting people, real people, like a harvester from São Paulo, and the experiences he had their like riding on a harvesting machine. Ethanol is Brazil’s second highest source of energy, the first being oil. While Reid states that “Brazilian sugar-based ethanol is environmentally friendly” (Reid, 2014) on the basis that it contributes less to carbon emission totals than other forms of energy, other authors would disagree. One article points out the fact that the majority of land where sugarcane is expected to grow has been victim to monoculture for years, decreasing the availability of nutrients in the soil. This consequently requires higher inputs of pesticides that have negative impacts on the environment. Also, the article highlights the fact that devoting land “to sugarcane necessarily drove other crops out of the area, driving up the price of traditional food crops” (Halász, 2011). This leads to other farmers being forced to leave, causing an unequal ownership of land. Unequal land opportunities caused the Cardoso government to buy up and redistribute land to families, a practice that by the 21st century became irrelevant.
The Amazon rainforest protected itself until about the 1960s. Vast and dangerous, voyagers and settlers were unable to tame it prior to the invention of the chainsaw and bulldozer. Manaus was formed in the heart of the rainforest, complete with factories and highways to get to them. The land wars, gold rush, ranchers and loggers soon tamed and dirtied what was once a wild masterpiece. Luckily in the 1990s conservation began to take over as Brazil and it’s unique rainforest became a topic of national discussion (Reid, 2014). Interestingly to me, Reid includes poll studies that show Brazilians understanding the issues of biodiversity loss and climate change better than Americans and Europeans. Reid suspects that the reasoning for their deeper understanding lies in the truth that they have more “‘environmental capital’ to lose than almost any other country” (Reid, 2014). However, other authors suspect that Brazilian’s environmental awareness has more to do with their own personal health than their money. For example, an article on the outcomes of the Greendex report contrasts that in Brazil “concern is higher about things like water and air pollution, and there's also a real sensitivity to global warming" whereas in the U.S. our government is still debating whether or not the issue exists. This causes our citizens to feel less concern and consequently average citizens are less informed.
Conservation as well as sustainable use of the Rainforest sparked a great deal of debate in Brazil. The Native Brazilians of the Amazon were able to regrow their population when the forest was protected. The world’s third largest hydroelectric dam was built, again with much debate. Brazil’s compromising abilities were tested and proved to be strong, a clear sign of a well developing country.
Butler, R. (2016). Calculating deforestation figures for the Amazon. Mongabay. Retrieved from: http://rainforests.mongabay.com/amazon/deforestation_calculations.html
Chapter 11: Brazil’s Guided Capitalism
Reid begins chapter eleven with a discussion of how Brazilian businesses have evolved to survive on innovation rather than government support. He points out that Brazil is home to the world’s third largest maker of commercial jet aircraft, as well as one of the world's three best makers of electrical motors. The aircraft company, Embraer, was previously government owned and regulated, but became increasingly more successful after its privatisation. The electrical motor company, Weg, became successful on the basis of its quality workforce. Reid uses these examples to show that Brazilian manufacturers have the capability to compete globally (Reid, 2014).
Manufacturing in Brazil once occupied a large area within the economy, but that space has declined over the years due to many Brazilian macroeconomic policies. There is a general agreement that Brazil’s economy cannot develop without a booming manufacturing industry (Reid, 2014). The fear of deindustrialization caused the government to intervene. This intervention however, protected multinational companies that were abusing the economy. The car industry was one example, cars were being produced at excessive rates, and the government removed sales tax to help increase their demand. Reid firmly states his disgust for this action, “there was no economic logic to this special treatment” (Reid,2016) he argues. He insists that the increase in car sales caused negative effects like traffic on underdeveloped roads and an increase in imported oil demand. My initial reaction to an increase in cars was a question of how carbon emissions increased in Brazil during that time. However, the oil demand Reid points out is disputed by other authors who argue that an increase of cars in Brazil lead to a demand of biofuels based on the fact that sugarcane ethanol was cheaper than gasoline, and less environmentally dangerous. Even more impressively, one article found that “more than 90 percent of new cars sold today in Brazil are flex fuel due to consumer demand” (“Brazilian Transportation,” 2016). This environmental consciousness showed Brazil was rising above other countries in renewable energy.
Other industries such as the shoe industry and electronic industries flourished as people began to have more money to spend. With more children in school and tax breaks on small businesses, teachers were able to start up firms and hire students to work in them. Taxes and labor laws would be reformed greatly with the excitement of all this new business. Regulations and lack of infrastructure would cause a stagnation in growth for some time. Reid suggests that the reason infrastructure was lacking was due to a decrease in public investment caused by a rise in spending (Reid, 2014). Other authors disagree, stating that “it is the nature of regulatory governance in Brazil, and its attendant regulatory uncertainty, that have long been holding back investment” (Amann et al., 2016) rather than other public spending. A lack of infrastructure is a clear restriction of Brazil’s ability to rise.
The government eventually had to invite foreign investors in to help build up the infrastructure, especially ports. With foreign investments, infrastructure as well as many other aspects of the economy began to grow. Banks and the stock market were busy, rapidly changing the capitalistic features of brazil. Family companies and holdings created a unique type of capitalism that provided for an active public equity market (Reid, 2014). Entrepreneurship was higher than ever, yet small businesses rarely grew large. The government intervened and began to shake up large industries. Education became increasingly important with the rise of industry adding value to products. Brazil was finally gaining a deeper understanding of innovation, something that will help it progress even further.
(“Brazilian Transportation,” 2016)
Chapter 12: Global Ambitions and Frustrations
Chapter 12 begins with a failed attempt of Brazil to act as a foreign political power. Lula was under the impression that the U.S. supported his trip to Tehran where he met and negotiated with Iran’s president and Turkey’s prime minister. Lula thought that his help in negotiating an agreement on uranium and fuel rods between the countries was a “victory for diplomacy” (Reid, 2014), but he was incredibly incorrect in this statement. The UN had other plans for Iran. Brazil’s diplomatic actions caused the U.S. and other European countries to mistrust Brazil’s allegiances. Realistically, Brazil was probably unsure of it’s own allegiances and ideologies as it was new to actually asserting itself on a global level. In my opinion brazil seems like a confused teenager in respect to global affairs. It has a desire to prove itself and will do so by any means, yet it is too inexperienced to have fully developed its own ideas to implement. The United States and European powers in this instance are like grandparents, already set in their ways and much wiser than the teenager.
Brazil always favored Pan-Americanism, a desire for the Americas to work together. Because Brazil helped the U.S. in the Spanish American war, it was able to declare war on the Allied side in both world wars. Brazil was constantly looking for a reward for its upstanding behavior in global affairs. The cold war pressured an alliance between the United States and Brazil against Communism and pressured Brazil to enter the arms race. Reid states, “Underlying Brazil’s view of the world is a deep-rooted suspicion that the United States is set on blocking Brazil’s advance” (Reid 2014). Peter Hakim notes the same theme in Brazilian/American relations, “the United States has become wary of an increasingly powerful Brazil that more often than not stands in opposition to US policies” (Hakim, 2014). However, the two differ in that Reid suggests the reasoning for the United States actions has to do with a desire for its own selfish use of the Amazon and oil whereas Hakim asserts that it has to do with a disagreement in foreign politics. My opinion would be a combination of both since the United States is always looking out for new economic opportunities, and it also doesn’t like to have other powers against its ideologies and actions.
One of the signs of Brazil growing as a power was its newfound global assertiveness. Brazilian foreign policy wants to reform world order rather than overturn it (Reid, 2014). Outside nations are confused at Brazil’s dislike of current order as they have built a peaceful democracy under it, industrialized under it, and do not face security threats. Brazil and its neighbors worked on their own South American Market called Mercosul to help them integrate into the global economy. This cooperation had many pros, but it also was flawed by the fact that Latin American countries involved differed greatly in language, culture and other areas that made it hard to work together. Brazil stepped up its leadership in the Mercosul, but their deep rooted desire to become independently global took a toll on their role. With multi nationalists flocking to take advantage of Brazil’s protected market, they did little to help brazil enter the global trade. This isolation would hold back Brazil from becoming a global power (Reid, 2014), something Lula worked hard to change.
President Bush and Lula got along well, making great strides in Brazilian-American relations. Lula decided that Brazil would take a leadership role in SOuth America similar to how the U.S. took a leadership over the world. Bush looked at Brazil as a potential energy supplier while Lula looked at the U.S. as a helpful pawn in balancing his politics. However the relations between these two countries would never completely develop. Reid argues that the reasoning for this is because Brazil’s rise so far has been through repeatedly disagreeing with the U.S. and acting independently, taking its role as the world’s teenager. Nuclear energy disputes, protectionism disagreements and foreign policy disputes would further divide the two countries, causing Brazil to be stuck in the eyes of the U.S as a Latin American power rather than a global one.
The discussion of Brazil’s place as a power is debatable. Reid adds a few differing comments on Brazil’s reputation. In Latin America it is seen as a soft power, it has the capability to rule and help solve problems in and between other countries. But according to some parts of the world, it is trying to hard to appear to be a power than actually being one (Reid, 2016). In my view, if there is debate about Brazil being a global power, it has made it to the finals.
Chapter 13: An Unreformed Leviathan
Chapter thirteen is a discussion of public response to government policies, the return of inflation and corruption. Reid starts the chapter with riots about an increase in bus fares. The underlying cause of these protests were the frustration of the people dealing with bad health care, public transport, education, corruption and waste (Reid, 2014). The brutal police response triggered more distrust of the people who called for civil rights. The people felt underrepresented in politics, an effect caused by Brazil’s multitude of political parties with constantly changing politicians and flexible ideologies. When mafia like corruption was unveiled involving state leaders, the people were even more outraged.
Reid suggests that the Brazilian cabinet contained too many ministries. There were almost 39, which he points out is double the entire cabinet in China. He states on the subject, “the baroque contraption that was the Brazilian Cabinet did multiply the number of senior patronage posts and magnified the pressures to spend” (Reid, 2014). Others such as the interim president Michel Temer must agree with Reid as shown in an article reporting “Temer... stripped three government agencies of their ministerial status [and] lumped [them] into the Ministry of Justice in what Temer describes as a cost-saving measure” (Planas, 2016). It looks as though Reid got what he wished, as the ministries numbers were cut and consequently less money went to waste. However, though his book does not cover recent change, I would assume that he is just as unhappy with the new cabinet’s lack of diversity. Comprised of all white men, half the population is excluded from representation in the government (Planas, 2016). If people were already feeling underrepresented in 2012, matters can only be worse now.
According to Reid, Brazil’s spending problem is caused by their high spending failing to translate into substantial education, healthcare, public transport, and police service (Reid, 2014). The state intervention hurt Brazilian income equality and failed to invest in economic boosting areas like infrastructure. Though government plans had good intentions, Brazilian economy was terribly inefficient and the public was increasingly aware and angered by it. An increase in federal employees was meant to help the government run more efficiently, and it did. However, these government jobs, as well as many others, were backed by pension plans that are going to have a negative effect as Brazil’s population ages.
I learned in another class that a sure sign of a developing nation is decrease in birth rate. This is something I find very interesting as Reid states that “the average Brazilian woman had more than six children in the 1960s, but now has fewer than two” (Reid, 2016). This decline in birth could be a product of many changes, including women’s rights movements, increases in female education, infant mortality decrease, etc. All of these possible causes show that Brazil is indeed a developed country and is well on its way to rise. An article on the fertility rate decrease asserts “There are a lot of reasons for the drop in Brazil, and most of them have to do with the modernization, this new way of thinking” (Forero, 2012). This new way of thinking is changing a lot more than fertility rates in Brazil.
Brazilian people have changed dramatically from the laid-back, take-it-as-it-is type I wrote about in almost every chapter. Public money was being siphoned off in forms of self-increased salaries to government officials. Reid points out that though the population is large there was a surplus of government jobs, he compares Brazil to the U.S. who has a smaller population and less counties. Politicians and municipal leaders who used public funds illegally were often not tried in courts, or if they were they would resign and get re elected in the next election (Reid, 2014). This abuse of power and money was magnified through the media, infuriating the public. Reid points to the electoral system as a block from removing corrupt officials. Sparsely populated areas hold as much power in voting as densely populated areas, unlike the United States where electoral votes are based off population. Reform is on its way for Brazil’s voting system, but it may be too late for current office holders.
Chapter 14: Brazil’s Century?
Reid begins the end with a major symbol of Brazil: football. He discusses their defeat in the 1950 world cup and how it took a toll on brazilian confidence. The awarding of the Olympic games showed that Brazil was finally recognized as a first class country (Reid, 2014). Brazil had crawled out of dictatorship, built a democracy, designed and maintained a growing economy and made huge strides in social conflicts. Reid credits Lula with the many successes Brazil has achieved, pressing that the Olympic games were set up to be a showcase to the world that Brazil was a national power. While Brazilians are as sure as ever to give a good party, the progressive solving of problems will surely be another characteristic noted by visitors.
Overall Reid notes that Brazil has protected itself with a blockade consisting of a diverse economy, representative government, consensual political culture, powerful media, independent judiciary, open society, and general economic strength (Reid, 2014). While pointing out Brazil’s successes, Reid debates if the twenty-first century is truly Brazil’s century as Lula declared it would be. He resolves that a century is a long time, but economic growth is imperative if this declaration should be turned to fact. Reid expresses that to raise income, health care quality and education to developed country standards, the economy would have to grow 5.3 percent a year to make it happen in the fifteen years Brazilian industrialists are aiming for. He states, “ faster growth will depend increasingly on improving the country’s dismal productivity” (Reid, 2014). This apparently will mean educational and infrastructure improvements as well as more capital investment. Yet it seems as though Reid believes that this century could indeed be the century of Brazil. Geopolitical journalist José Miguel Alonso Trabanco similarly agrees, stating “one can assert with confidence that any list of twenty-first century geopolitical heavyweights that does not include Brazil will be incomplete” (Trabanco, 2009).
Of course well agreed upon amongst authors is the fact that while Brazil has the potential to become a global power, it will certainly take a lot of tax, capitalistic, and trade reforming to win Lula’s long proclaimed title. To me it is clear that Brazil will undoubtedly rise, but it will rise into something much different than any other power. In my opinion Brazil’s hidden dislike for capitalism has grown from it’s history. People flowed freely from one form of government to the next with little resistance as compared to other countries. Compared to America, they passed freely from Portugal rather than just under ten years of revolution against their mother country. Again unlike America slavery was demolished by a government law, not a war. The capitalistic wasting mindset of Americans differs greatly from that of environmentally conscious Brazilians as shown by “the shift in the past two decades towards policies that do more to protect the environment” (Reid, 2014). The result of these differences is that when Brazil does emerge as a power, it will be uniquely unlike any so far.
(Cardoso, 2009)
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